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rical Writing, 93),但是,它有早期版本。我们尤其要关注这本书的编写者在1087年的条目下所写的内容,即威廉·鲁弗斯成为国王,而亨利得到了不可计数的财宝。这表明,编写者并不知道亨利会在1100年继位。
12E. Fernie, ‘The Effect of the Conquest on Norman Architectural Patronage’, ANS, 9 (1987), 71–85; Garnett, Short Introduction, 103.
13Eales, ‘Royal Power and Castles’, 54–63.
14Garnett, Short Introduction, 6, 46–56.
15Fleming, Kings and Lords, 109–20; ASC E, 1087.
16HH, 31.
17WM, Gesta Regum, 456–61.
18Above, 39–40, 61–2, 76; GND, ii, 58–61.
19J. C. Holt, ‘What’s in a Name? Family Nomenclature and the Norman Conquest’, idem, Colonial England, 179–96.
20Holt, ‘Colonial England’, 4–5,18–19; Carpenter, Struggle for Mastery, 85; van Houts, ‘Norman Conquest through European Eyes’, 841.
21Pelteret, Slavery, 205; Wyatt, ‘Significance of Slavery’, 345–7; Councils and Synods, ii, 678; Gillingham, English in the Twelfth Century, xvii–xviii, 266.
22ASC E, 1087; Gillingham, ‘1066 and the Introduction of Chivalry’, 223; Morris, Great and Terrible King, 358, 377.
23WM, Gesta Regum, 460–1; Barlow, English Church, 1000–1066, 289–308; J. Blair, The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society (Oxford, 2005), 407–17.
24Clanchy, England and Its Rulers, 69; J. Burton, Monastic and Religious Orders in Britain, 1000–1300 (Cambridge, 1994), 31–3.
25J. Gillingham, ‘The Beginnings of English Imperialism’; idem, ‘Conquering the Barbarians: War and Chivalry in Twelfth-Century Britain and Ireland’, both in idem, English in the Twelfth Century, 3–18, 41–58.
26WM, Gesta Regum, 456–7 (cf. EHD, ii, 290); WM, Saints’ Lives, 122–3.
27S. K. Brehe, ‘Reassembling the First Worcester Fragment’, Speculum, 65 (1990), 530–1, 535–6. H. M. Thomas针对征服者对语言的影响做了一个简明扼要的总结。参见H. M. Thomas, The Norman Conquest: England After William the Conqueror (Lanham, USA, 2008), 131–8。
2828 OV, iv, 94–5; HH, 31.
29Ibid.; OV, ii, 268–9; WM, Gesta Regum, 456–61; Eadmer, 3, 9; ASC D, 1066; E, 1087.
30VER, 108–11.
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